Custody battles are not uncommon in the United States. If we conceptualize a parental kidnapping as occurring at the extreme end of these unresolved and often unresolvable conflicts, it is easy for many parents to be concerned about such an event occurring in their family. Abductions or kidnappings can occur either before or after a custody order has been established and has resulted in one parent being denied access to his or her child by dint of that child being hidden.
By this definition, many children are at risk for being abducted. Take, for example, the visiting parent who, under a visitation decree, is late by a few hours in returning a child to the custodial parent.
Then he or she calls the police, claiming the child has been kidnapped. These types of minor kidnappings are reported frequently. By contrast are the more significant abductions, when a parent plans in advance to leave the state or country and has made plans to go into hiding. This latter group are the ones that grab the headlines, as in the Hillary Morgan case, and can continue for years. The literature generally agrees that childhood abduction is traumatic when zy. They are trained to avoid authority figures as they move from one location to the next.
They may have a close bond cut at a time when they are developmen- tally most in need if they were snatched by a parent with whom they had a distant relationship.
Given that abduction often happens when a family is in great turmoil, their emotional state may already be tenuous. Observations about the impact of abduction that have been based on clinical contact have often pointed to the harm inflicted from the experience.
Forehand, Long, Zogg, and Parrish asked 17 parents to retrospectively rate their recovered children before the abduction, immediately on recovery, and at the time of the survey. Generally, problems had decreased at the time of the survey, though not to the preab- zyxwvu duction level.
Occasionally, and depending on the study results, child abuse of some form is reported. Janvier, McCormick, and Donaldson found that two thirds of the parents they surveyed believed their parentally abducted children had been physically or sexually abused while on the run. Finkelhor et al. It should be noted that not all abductions are traumatic. Greif and Hegar state that if the child is living in a stable environmentwith a preferred parent and if the parent and child are fleeing an abusive relationship, the negative experiences of being on the run can be minimal.
Although little has been written about the payment of restitution and child support after recovery, visitation between the child and abductor has been explored. Hegar and Greif note a normalization process that followed a period of little visitation immediately on recovery.
Out of 69 children being followed over time, 49 had some visitation at the time of an initial survey, and 53 had visitation at a 2-year follow-up. No children had reduced their visitation at follow-up. Parents who had contacted one of those organizations for help in finding a parentally abducted child were mailed an eight-page, item questionnaire and asked to return it to the researchers in a stamped addressed envelope.
The return rate is difficult to estimate because some subjects who had contacted organizationsin different states received more than one questionnaire 2, were mailed. The average length of the abduction almost half of the children were still missing at the time of the survey was about 1. The marriages were frequently characterized as violent, with nearly half of the respondents saying they had been a victim of abuse instigated by the abductor.
Initial follow-up data from that study were gathered in and reported on in part in Hegar and Greif Over the years since the initial survey in , parents have been recon- tacted three times ,, and by telephone and asked a series of questions about their child ren and their own lives.
The sample size by was 48, of the number who participated in the earlier follow-up study. Respondents also had to be willing to first complete a written questionnaire and then be interviewed over the telephone. Sample attrition 6 years after the original survey has been a concern. Anumber of parents have moved, and a few have refused further contact. Of the 48 parents who participated, 26 were mothers 17 raising a daughter, who was the reference child for the questionnaire; 9 raising sons , and 22 were fathers 9 raising daughters and 13 raising sons.
All but one of the searching parent respondents was White; the exception was Hispanic. Of the abductors, 42 were White, 4 were Hispanic, and 2 were Black. The children ranged in age from 8 to The five from the survey center on divorce mediation. Out of the 48 parents surveyed in who make up the sample, 37 had recovered their children when the survey was conducted. The main characters of this mystery, young adult story are Theodore Boone, April Finnemore.
The book has been awarded with , and many others. Please note that the tricks or techniques listed in this pdf are either fictional or claimed to work by its creator.
We do not guarantee that these techniques will work for you. Some of the techniques listed in The Abduction may require a sound knowledge of Hypnosis, users are advised to either leave those sections or must have a basic understanding of the subject before practicing them. Statistical analyses were performed using SAS version 9. Descriptive statistics frequencies for dichotomous and categorical variables and medians and interquartile ranges IQR for continuous variables were used to display the distribution of the outcome mental health , exposure re-integration status and other variables.
Each abductee reported the year they were abducted, and the abduction frequencies were displayed with a histogram against the historical timeline of the war to explore fluctuations of abduction frequencies against key events in the war including UPDF military operations, the Atiak massacre, the reification of the Amnesty Act, and the Cease-fire signed between the LRA and the Government.
A post-hoc analysis was conducted to test for group differences in mental health status between abductees who accessed a reintegration program versus those who self-reintegrated, a t-test was used to compare the means of the APAI depression sub-scale kumu and the anxiety subscale ma lwor. The internal consistency for both sub-scales was assessed using Cronbach alpha coefficients.
Among the sample of young women sex workers, a total of The characteristics of abductees in this sample are presented in Table 1. Of the abductees, 73 For the 56 participants who had accessed reintegration programming, the most commonly reported program was a traditional cleansing ceremony The four reintegration programs are not mutually exclusive, however only 16 of the 56 abductees accessed more than one kind of reintegration program.
The cell sizes were not large enough to discern patterns in the combinations of accessed programs. The median age of abductees in this study was 22 years IQR: 20—26 and participants were predominantly from the Acholi tribe The majority of the sample Figure 1 displays the frequency of abduction over selected events that punctuate the historical timeline of the war. Participants reported being abducted as early as and as late as Variation in abduction frequencies over the historical timeline of the war.
Overall the total score on the APAI was The score for the depression sub-scale kumu was Table 2 displays the mean scores on the APAI total and subscales. Among this sample of abductees, significant differences in mental health status were not detected between those who accessed any kind of reintegration programming compared to those who self-reintegrated. Sensitivity analyses reveal that there were no significant difference between participants with missing data and the sample with imputed values.
This analysis provides descriptive information on the different kinds of reintegration programming that young female abductees accessed in the past and evaluated between group differences in current mental health. The majority of this sample was abducted at a young age median 13 years , between the years of and This study reveals that just over half The most commonly reported form of reintegration programming was participating in a traditional cleansing ceremony, followed by receiving amnesty, being received at a reception centre, and receiving a re-insertion package.
In a post-hoc analysis, significant differences in mental health status were not detected between those who had accessed at least one kind of reintegration program compared to those who self-reintegrated. These results, and the cross-sectional design of this study, are not able to infer that reintegration programming causally affects mental health. However, a contribution that this analysis is able to offer is an exploratory investigation into between group comparisons.
In contrast to many studies in the literature that have focused on abductees already registered at receptions centres [ 27 , 28 ], this study utilized the opportunity to compare abductees who accessed reintegration services compared to those who self-reintegrated, but did not find significant differences. Additionally, this study presents information on young female abductees who are less represented in the literature. Within this sample, a large proportion One consideration for the gaps in access to reintegration services could be explained by the variation in frequencies of abduction and return over the course of the war.
For example, as a response to the government led military offensives, Operation North in and Operation Iron Fist in , the LRA was reported to have increased its frequency of abduction, which is also reflected among this sample of abductees Figure 1.
Important events in the abduction history in northern Uganda were the LRA-led massacre in the village of Atiak where over civilians were murdered for suspected collaboration with the government, and an attack on the Atiak Girls School in where approximately 60 young women were abducted, a gender specific increase in the frequency of abduction [ 13 ]. The current analysis supports this reference as illustrated in Figure 1 , where the abductions begin to rise in and reach their peak just after the cease-fire was signed in It is reported that peak periods of fighting between the UPDF and the LRA have also been hypothesized to have increased the number of abductees that were able to use the opportunity to escape, thereby creating an influx of returnees at Reception Centres [ 19 , 29 , 30 ].
Historically, after , the number of returnees decreased and the immediate needs required for disarmament and demobilization began to shift to the long-term needs required for reintegration [ 19 , 29 , 31 ].
It is very likely that the reintegration experiences among abductees vary depending on the year that they escaped. It is possible that the abductees who escaped before would have reintegrated during the immediate emergency phase, while those that returned in and after would have accessed more long-term programming. Within our sample, the average year of abduction among those who accessed reintegration programming was , and those who did not access reintegration programming was We are not able to examine the association between the number of abductees returning from the LRA and reintegration services among this sample because we only captured the date they were abducted and the length of time they remained in captivity, and not the date they accessed a reintegration program.
Within the sample, over two-thirds of the abductees who accessed a reintegration program, accessed a traditional cleansing ceremony Following a war, affected communities play key roles in cultural and social reconstruction [ 7 ], and the high number of abductees able to access a traditional cleansing ceremonies is encouraging.
An important barrier for traditional ceremonies are the associated costs, particularly for orphans who lack basic resources [ 19 , 32 ]. This is also demonstrative of the efforts that the local community invested in reintegration and reconciliation processes to establish relative peace.
The post-hoc analysis in this study used the APAI scale to measure differences in mental health status between female abductees who accessed a reintegration program compared to those who self-reintegrated.
Within this sample of sex workers who reported being abducted by the LRA, the mean score for the kumu sub-scale was This current sample of female abductees has lower scores for both the kumu and ma lwor sub-scales compared to the sample of youth from IDP camps used during the original validation of the scale. Potential reasons for the lower relative levels of mental illness among this current sample of female abductees could be their older age mean age 22 years or the fact that the IDP camps were already disbanded by the time this current study was conducted.
The mental health of abductees is an important topic in conflict-affected populations. A study by McMullen et al. In a study by Pham et al. They also found that going through a reception centre was not significantly associated with PTSD or depression [ 5 ], a finding that also mirrors the null results found in this analysis.
One of the goals of DDR programming is to improve psychosocial wellness [ 3 ], however this analysis did not find significant differences between these two groups. A good deal of humanitarian aid is invested in reintegration programs with the intention that access to specialized supportive services can improve both short and long-term well-being of abductees and combatants.
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